By Click here to download the full report
1. Executive Summary
This annual report is based on the Repression of Dissent reports which were monthly published in the year 2024. This annual repression of dissent report primarily provides a general snapshot of significant incidents related to the repression of dissent and human rights challenges in Sri Lanka, mainly based on the information reported in mainstream. It also offers a broad overview of Sri Lanka’s human rights landscape and recent developments.
Methodology
Incidents of repression covered in this annual Repression of Dissent report includes arrests, threats, intimidation, investigations against human rights defenders (HRDs), journalists, minority groups, state officials and whistleblowers. and potential threats such as new repressive laws, appointments, policy decisions etc., which may hurt freedom of expression, assembly, association and dissent in the future. In this report, ‘dissent’ is broadly defined to include acts of protest, resistance, defiance, challenges against questioning or attempt to record rights violations, social injustice at the hands of the state or non-state apparatus, including police, armed forces, religious groups, and politicians among others. ‘Repression’ is any attempt by the above state or non-state actors to suppress the acts of dissent. Any rhetoric decrying human rights has also been considered repression of dissent because of its potential to erode rights.
Case Updates
In January The Supreme Court rendered a unanimous decision, for the first time in the history, invalidating former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s decision to pardon former MP Duminda Silva. In February Cabinet Minister of Environment Keheliya Rambukwella was arrested over his alleged complicity in the procurement of substandard medicine. In March The Colombo High Court sentenced Bodu Bala Sena General Secretary Galagodaatte Gnanasara Thero to 4 years of hard labour and a fine. Keheliya Rambukwella, the former minister of health, and five other individuals who were suspected of importing substandard immunoglobulin were also placed under extended remand until March 14. In April Apart from the Chief Justice, the President is not allowed to nominate judges to the Supreme Court by an interim order issued by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. In May A new three-member High Court bench was named by the Chief Justice to hear the case filed against 9 members of the Army Intelligence concerning the kidnapping and disappearance of journalist Pragith Eknaligoda. The Gampaha High Court ordered the acquittal of four suspects in the case of the shooting death of three people and injuring approximately 50 others during a protest held by the people of Rathupaswala in Weliweriya town in 2013. The Supreme Court decided to finalise the fundamental rights petitions filed by parties and organisations including the Samagi Jana Balawegaya demanding that the provincial government elections, which have not been held in due time, be ordered to be held immediately, over four days in front of a full bench of judges. In delivering a landmark judgment regarding the extent of the executive president’s pardon power, the SC declared that the decision of former President Sirisena to pardon a murder convict, was arbitrarily and legally invalid. The Writ Petition brought by former Navy Commander Admiral-of-the-Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda against the Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar on the alleged abduction and forced disappearance of 11 youths from Colombo in 2008 will be heard by a five-judge bench appointed by the Court of Appeal. In July The Supreme Court decided to hear nine fundamental rights petitions that were filed challenging the appointment of Deshbandu Tennakone as the Inspector General of Police and issued an interim restraining order preventing him from acting as Inspector General of Police till the hearing of those petitions. The Supreme Court’s ruling regarding the Economic Transformation Bill presented in Parliament disclosed that the Supreme Court identified multiple provisions within the proposed legislation as being inconsistent with the Constitution. In August Emil Ranjan Lamahewa, the ex-Commissioner of Prisons, who had received a death sentence for the killings of inmates during the 2012 Welikada Prison riots, was acquitted by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court dismissed four fundamental rights applications filed by those who protested outside the private residence of former President Gotabhaya Rajapakse in 2022, while it granted Leave to Proceed for four similar petitions. The exhumation of the Kokkuththoduvai mass grave was completed and the case was presented at the Magistrate’s Court in Mullaitivu. In September Sri Lanka’s acting Inspector General of Police, Priyantha Weerasooriya, issued a circular instructing Police officers to withdraw from their duties in relation to the infamous anti drug initiative, Yukthiya Meheyuma (Operation Justice). Excavations at the mass grave in Sri Lanka’s main harbour in Colombo were postponed. A Bill was presented to the House to establish the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In October 2024 The Supreme Court dismissed four petitions seeking a ruling that the fundamental human rights have been violated through the Government’s decision to reduce the interest paid for the investments of Employees’ Provident Fund in Treasury bills and bonds to 9%, under the domestic debt restructuring process. The Office on Missing Persons has successfully identified 16 individuals who have been reported missing since the year 2000, from a total of around 6,000 inquiries conducted since December 2022. The Attorney General’s Department instructed the CID to close the 2020 Mahara prison riots case, claiming officers acted legally in self-defense. The Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission (SLHRC) has determined that several officials violated the rights of standup comedian Nathasha Edirisuriya. In November The Attorney General reported that the Office for Reparations received Rs. 311 million in compensation for victims of the Easter Sunday attacks. Minister Vijitha Herath stated that the government has not decided to modify the Muslim Marriage Act or other religious legislation, but discussions with religious leaders will lead to potential legal reforms. The Kurunegala Magistrate’s Court acquitted Senior House Officer Dr Shafi Shihabdeen of charges related to his 2019 arrest, including unauthorized sterilisation surgeries, illicit wealth amassing, and terrorist links.
Click here to download the full report
Legal Reforms
The Sri Lankan Ministry of Finance withdrew the Microfinance and Credit Regulatory Authority Bill, as it failed to address the intended policy goals regarding micro-debt. Although the Supreme Court found the bill constitutionally valid, the Finance Ministry recognized the need to reassess whether it effectively solves microfinance issues. The Treasury has appointed a committee, including Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) officers, to reassess the bill and consult stakeholders to create a more comprehensive regulation. The Supreme Court reviewed the “Anti-Terrorism” Bill and determined that several clauses were unconstitutional or required special procedures, such as a Special Majority or a Referendum. However, the Court provided recommendations for amendments to resolve these issues. If these amendments are made, the Bill can be passed with a Simple Majority. The Supreme Court ruled the Electricity Amendment Bill incompatible with the Constitution, requiring a special majority in Parliament for its passage. During the debate, NPP MP Vijitha Herath accused the government of attempting to hand over Sri Lanka’s power sector to India’s Adani group, creating a private monopoly. He argued that while privatizing power generation was acceptable, transmission and distribution should remain under government control. The Bill was later approved by Parliament on June 6 after amendments. The Supreme Court has ruled the Gender Equality Bill to be in conflict with the Constitution, requiring it to be passed with a two-thirds majority and through a referendum. Following this, the counsel for the intervening petitioner argued that the Supreme Court’s determination regarding the Private Member Bill to repeal Article 365 was not properly assessed, as it received little reliance. Several petitions were filed in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of The Economic Transformation Bill. The petitioners contended that the bill’s provisions would adversely affect workers, particularly young people, and that the government had failed to consult those directly impacted, including workers, trade unions, and youth. The Supreme Court’s ruling found multiple provisions of the bill to be inconsistent with the Constitution. In December, Minister Harshana Nanayakkara announced the government’s plan to introduce three key bills in Parliament in the next quarter. The Proceeds of Crime Bill will focus on recovering stolen assets and combating money laundering and criminal activities. The Rescue, Rehabilitation, and Insolvency Bill will modernize insolvency laws and bolster creditor confidence, while the Audit Act amendments will promote financial transparency.
Click here to download the full report
War-time Human Rights Violations, Accountability and Justice
Families of the Tamil individuals who disappeared during the Sri Lankan civil war have been campaigning for years, demanding answers. The Tamil community claims that many of those who disappeared were victims of abduction by government-backed paramilitary groups or the security forces.These families continue to commemorate the anniversaries of their loved ones’ disappearances, emphasizing the persistent nature of these human rights violations even years after the conflict’s conclusion. International organizations such as the UN have also highlighted the scale of these disappearances, urging Sri Lanka to address them at the domestic level. Demonstrations at sites like the Kokkuthoduvai mass grave further emphasize concerns over the forced disappearances and the state’s reluctance to fully investigate these crimes. The Tamil victims are calling for international investigation mechanisms, highlighting their distrust in domestic mechanisms, such as the Office of Missing Persons (OMP), which has been criticized for failing to deliver justice or uncover the truth. Beyond human rights violations directly related to disappearances and killings, the text also touches on land rights, a persistent issue in the post-conflict context. Tamil residents protest the continued occupation of their ancestral land by the military and other state authorities, arguing that the military’s presence, particularly in the North and East, continues to contribute to the marginalization and displacement of local Tamil communities.
The proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CTUR) faces significant opposition, particularly from Tamil victims and international human rights organizations. While the government argues that the CTUR aims to promote unity and reconciliation, the Commission lacks the authority to impose penalties on individuals, limiting its capacity to provide real accountability for the perpetrators of war crimes. The CTUR’s focus on truth-telling without legal consequences for those responsible for violations of human rights has led to widespread skepticism about its ability to deliver justice.
International bodies, such as the OHCHR, continue to demand accountability for war crimes, including enforced disappearances. However, Sri Lanka has rejected the findings of international reports, such as the OHCHR’s call for accountability for the disappearances, further complicating efforts to hold perpetrators accountable. The United Nations has repeatedly urged Sri Lanka to engage in genuine investigations and prosecutions, but the Sri Lankan government has remained resistant, citing sovereignty concerns and questions about the legitimacy of external pressure.
The reluctance of the Sri Lankan government to accept international involvement in addressing war crimes has led to clashes with Tamil activists who call for independent investigations. This tension is a central aspect of the ongoing struggle for justice, as the Sri Lankan government’s refusal to open its domestic mechanisms to international scrutiny raises questions about the credibility of those mechanisms and whether they will be capable of addressing the grievances of the victims effectively.
Throughout the year, Tamil families have organized protests, holding photographs of their disappeared relatives, demanding justice. These protests highlight the persistent and unresolved nature of these human rights violations and demonstrate the victims’ agency in seeking truth and justice. However, their demands for an international judicial investigation remain unmet as they argue that domestic mechanisms are inadequate, ineffective, or intentionally obstructed. Despite some positive actions by the government—such as the endorsement of international conventions or the establishment of offices dedicated to addressing missing persons—the lack of tangible results and accountability for the violations committed during the conflict remains a key issue. Victims continue to highlight the government’s failure to act meaningfully on its promises, which leads to continued distrust and frustration among the affected communities. The Tamil diaspora has played a significant role in pushing for justice, as they are often seen as key advocates for international pressure on the Sri Lankan government. The ongoing demonstrations and requests for international investigations suggest that the victims and their supporters do not believe the Sri Lankan government will take appropriate action on its own.
Accountability
The government’s response to the Easter Sunday bombings has been characterised by slow or delayed efforts to investigate the attacks, and there have been inconsistent or contradictory reports about the incident. This suggests that the government is not sufficiently addressing the situation in a transparent or consistent way, and is instead choosing how to respond or which aspects to focus on, rather than fully holding those responsible accountable.
The handling of the 2020 Mahara prison riots, in which 11 inmates were killed, demonstrates a lack of accountability within the law enforcement. The government’s defense of police actions as self-defense, despite evidence of excessive force, illustrates how security forces continue to evade responsibility for abuses. Legal challenges to the closing of the case and calls for an investigation into the incidents emphasize the ongoing struggle for accountability.
A petition has been filed in the Court of Appeal seeking to quash a letter issued by the Attorney General to the CID instructing to close the investigation into the deaths of 11 prisoners during a violent clash at Mahara Prison in November 2020.
Click here to download the full report
LGBTQI+ Rights
A wave of disparaging statements against the LGBTQI+ community surged around the time of the elections, and it underscored the strong political and religious opposition to LGBTQI+ rights in Sri Lanka. Figures like Sarath Weerasekare, Wimal Weerawansa, Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, and certain Buddhist and some of the new age Christian denominations publicly expressed their hostility toward LGBTQI+ rights, including the decriminalisation of consensual same-sex relations among adults. The resistance to legal reforms that would decriminalize consensual same-sex relationships pointed to a persistent lack of institutional recognition for LGBTQI+ rights. Such legal protections are essential to ensure that LGBTQI+ people are not criminalized based on their sexual orientation, gender identity/expression, and sex characteristics.
Religious institutions, particularly certain Buddhist clergy and Catholic church, exert significant influence on public opinion and policy in Sri Lanka. Their public condemnations of LGBTQI+ rights and their moral framing of same-sex relationships as “immoral” or “socially degrading” reflect the broader societal rejection of LGBTQI+ rights.
Transgender individuals, those working in Export Processing Zones (EPZs), are often paid lower wages, face discrimination in job interviews, and are denied basic facilities like gender-neutral washrooms and sickrooms. The lack of support for transgender workers seeking medical care, combined with the inflexible work practices often preventing them from attending transgender clinics, adds to their struggles and makes it difficult for them to prioritize their health needs. The Prisons Commission’s acknowledgment of the lack of facilities for transgender prisoners, along with plans to address this issue in the future, showed that there is an awareness of the need for more inclusive spaces. Transgender individuals, especially those incarcerated, face heightened risks of abuse, violence, and neglect in prison settings.
The media’s role in perpetuating queerphobic narratives, like the articles on ‘Aruna’ newspaper, further entrenches societal prejudice against LGBTQI+ individuals, particularly by stigmatizing LGBTQI+ people. The media’s refusal to acknowledge the validity of same-sex relationships and the plight of LGBTQI+ individuals sends a harmful message that further marginalizes these communities.
Media and journalists
Throughout 2024 many journalists were frequently summoned by the police, Criminal Investigation Department (CID), or Terrorist Investigation Department (TCID) without clear charges. Example- journalists such as Thiruchelvam Divakaran, Darshana Handungoda. Court summons were used to revive cases against journalists based on their past reporting. For example, Shanmugam Thavaseelan, who was called to court over a case dating back to 2019. YouTuber Sudaththa Thilakasiri was forced to leave the country due to persistent threats, while journalist Tissa Ravindra Perera was targeted for his reporting on national security and corruption.
Multiple journalists were assaulted or faced attempted abductions. In June, television journalist Dhanushka Seneviratne was attacked, while in November, journalist S. Satheeskumar was wounded with a sharp weapon while covering the parliamentary elections. Additionally journalist Murugaiyah Thamilselvan in Kilinochchi, known for reporting on illegal drug trafficking, narrowly escaped an abduction attempt before being violently assaulted. Senior journalist Tambithurai Pratheepan’s home was torched and his vehicles vandalized. Law enforcement failed to respond effectively in some cases. For example, journalist Dharmadasa Siriwardena faced death threats in September, and the police delayed taking any action for two days despite an emergency call.
Tamil journalists faced disproportionate harassment, legal summons, and threats, particularly those covering sensitive political topics or government corruption. Journalist Selvakumar Nilanthan, along with several other Tamil reporters, were targeted through legal means, while Tamil journalists in Jaffna had their equipment confiscated and destroyed by security forces. Some Tamil journalists were barred from meeting the (then) President in August, while Sinhala journalists were allowed to present their demands to the President. Tamil journalists were also subject to heightened surveillance and intelligence monitoring, especially those reporting on government misconduct or dissent against the state.In September, at an election rally in Kekirawa, members of the Presidential Media Unit threatened journalists, seized their cameras, and deleted footage of an unexpected altercation during the event.
Freedom of Assembly
Courts frequently issued preventive restraining orders against protests (e.g., Socialist Youth Association in January, Tamil Families of the Disappeared in September, and civil society protests in August). These orders were often sought preemptively by the police, citing potential public disturbances rather than actual violations of law. The police repeatedly used water cannons and tear gas to disperse protests (e.g., university students, unemployed graduates, economic crisis protests, and Tamil rights protests). The use of force appears disproportionate and routine, suggesting a deliberate policy of deterrence rather than crowd control. Notably, Tamil protests and memorial events faced both police and military interference, showing a heightened level of state suppression. Protests related to economic hardships, labor rights, and governance were suppressed but at varying degrees. Tamil political protests and war memorial events faced more aggressive restrictions, including arrests, interrogations, and military monitoring. The silencing of Tamil commemoration events (e.g., preventing Mullivaikkal genocide memorials, obstructing temple access, and removing Prabhakaran’s image) signals a state policy of erasing certain historical narratives. By contrast, Sinhala nationalist activities, even when disruptive (e.g., the May nationalist flag incident), were largely allowed or managed with minimal force. Several activists and political figures were arrested, interrogated, and charged for organizing protests (e.g., Rajkumar Rajeevkanth, Selvarajah Kajendren). Journalists covering protests were also threatened (e.g., Tamil journalists in Jaffna threatened by the army in February). Intelligence officers and military personnel were reported to have monitored, intimidated, and photographed protesters, which acts as a tool for long-term surveillance and discouragement. Union activities were targeted, with employees suspended for participation (e.g., CEB secretarial staff). Legal and administrative interventions were used to dissuade railway strikes and university staff protests. The government’s framing of trade union strikes as disruptive or politically motivated (e.g., Minister Vijitha Herath’s statement) suggests an effort to delegitimize labor movements. The lack of protection for protestors from pro-government groups (e.g., Liberty roundabout attack in January) and the active suppression of anti-government demonstrations shows a double standard.
Repression of Activists and Whistleblowers
The use of law enforcement agencies, particularly the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID), suggests an attempt to intimidate activists through legal and extralegal means. The interrogation of figures such as P. Deepachelvan and Amalaraj Amalanayaki highlights how even literary and advocacy work is being scrutinized under counterterrorism frameworks. The direct threats received by Jeewaratnam Suresh, the brutal assault on H.M.R.W. Herath, and the shooting of Chelliah Krishnarajah demonstrate a shift towards physical violence. This suggests that activists not only face state-backed repression but also attacks from unknown actors who may have impunity. Several of the targeted individuals, such as Jeewaratnam Suresh and P. Deepachelvan, are involved in Tamil rights activism. The interrogation of those commemorating Tamil Genocide Day further indicates that specific communities advocating for historical justice and minority rights are being disproportionately repressed. Attacks on environmental activists like H.M.R.W. Herath and Ajith Wijesinghe suggest that advocacy related to land and resource management is being met with hostility. Similarly, the shooting of labor rights advocate Chelliah Krishnarajah suggests repression extends beyond political and ethnic activism to economic justice movements.
Click here to download the full report
Repressive legal and policy actions
A recurring repressive trend throughout the year is the issuance of orders enabling the Armed Forces to intervene in civilian affairs. This began early in January with the President directing the military to maintain public order, and continued throughout the year with similar decrees issued in February, April, May, June, July, August, September, October and December. The declaration of electricity and petroleum as essential services, seen in several months of 2024, is a legal mechanism used to prevent labor actions, particularly strikes. By declaring services as essential, the government gains the authority to penalize workers for striking, essentially curbing the ability of trade unions to protest against labor conditions or government policies. This move is a strategic use of legal instruments to neutralize organized opposition, particularly in industries that are critical to the functioning of the state and the economy. The controversial Online Safety Bill, passed in January 2024, is another example of a repressive legal action. Despite widespread criticism from civil society and international actors, the bill passed with a majority vote, indicating a disregard for concerns about its potential impact on free speech and digital rights. The bill appears to be a tool for curbing online dissent potentially allowing the government to censor content or penalize individuals based on vague criteria related to “safety”. The discussions around election amendments in March and the potential delays in elections reflect a strategic use of legal frameworks to extend the government’s control over the political landscape. By proposing changes that could postpone elections the government ensured that its hold on power remains unchallenged for longer periods, undermining democratic processes. The amendment to the Recovery of Loans by Banks (Special Provisions) Bill in May 2024 which suspends Parate Law to benefit large-scale businessmen, also highlights how legal changes are used to serve specific economic interests.This preferential treatment for a select group of businessmen undermines economic justice and creates a system where the wealthy elite are shielded from accountability while the broader public remains vulnerable to harsh legal measures. The case of Tamil political prisoners in October illustrates how repression extends beyond immediate political actions and into ongoing treatment of detainees. Even after these individuals were released they continued to face both direct and indirect forms of interrogation.
Repression of State Officials
In 2024, several incidents in Sri Lanka highlighted significant challenges faced by public officials. Roshan Kumara Withanage, a 51-year-old Public Health Inspector, was shot dead at his residence in Elpitiya, underscoring the dangers public servants may encounter. Puttalam Divisional Secretary Sampath Weerasekera reported intimidation from MP Ali Sabri Raheem while investigating illegal land occupation. An administrative officer from the customs department was assaulted by police while participating in an environmental conservation activity at Kalutara beach. Additionally, the Chairman of the Road Development Authority resigned due to undue pressure from the Secretary of the Ministry of Highways.
Elections
The Sri Lankan presidential election was held on September 21, with 39 candidates contesting, none of them were female. The pre-election period was marked by concerns over the abuse of state power and resources, challenges faced by marginalized populations, and violations of election laws on social media. The election was largely peaceful, as noted by both local and international observers. Voter turnout stood at 79.46%, slightly lower than in the previous presidential election. Since no candidate secured over 50% of the votes, preferential votes were counted for the first time in Sri Lankan presidential election history. Despite restrictions during the silent period, some candidates continued their campaigns using social media and paid promotions. The post-election period saw issues related to inadequate accessibility for persons with disabilities and the elderly, as well as the spread of homophobic, ethnonationalist, and racist social media content targeting ethnic and queer minorities.
The Executive Director of CaFFE stated that the Elpitiya Pradeshiya Sabha election was conducted peacefully but lacked significant enthusiasm.
Chanu Nimesha, who serves as the Secretary of Women’s Affairs for the Sri Lanka Socialist Party, made history as the first transgender person to run for an election in Sri Lanka. The National People’s Power secured a two-thirds parliamentary majority in Sri Lanka, the first party to do so under the proportional representation system, winning 159 seats, including 21 female MPs. Samagi Jana Balawegaya became the main opposition. The campaign was subdued due to exhaustion and resource constraints, with voter turnout between 60-65%. Over 100 high-level government appointments violated election regulations, raising concerns about undue influence and bribery. Female candidates faced significant hostility, even the Prime Minister was subjected to online harassment. The election period was dominated by majoritarian discourse, sidelining marginalized voices, while media coverage of women remained at just 7%.The election was largely peaceful.
Other
A truck driver was killed in an accidental police shooting during a vehicle inspection. The Terrorism Investigation Department summoned former LTTE cadre Selvanayagam Aravinthan for questioning regarding a Facebook account.Rajapakse Pathirage Dimantha Lakmal, an Air Force corporal and rugby player, was killed by police, suspected of involvement in a double homicide. A former Kandy Municipal Council member was arrested for assaulting a municipal worker, causing serious ear injuries. A court prohibited a YouTube channel from posting defamatory content about Army Commander Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage. Threats and controversies emerged involving a lawyer, a state minister, and election postponements, with accusations of corruption and irregularities in the Cricket Board. Dr. Harsha De Silva reported threats over a visa issuing procedure. Minister Jeevan Thondaman allegedly held plantation officials hostage and threatened their business over worker disputes. A priest from a Vavuniya temple and a Muslim youth filming a presidential advisor’s convoy were summoned or arrested by authorities. Activists and students faced intimidation related to protests and cultural expressions. Allegations emerged of threats against a rape victim and interference in government land allocations. A government agent in Nuwara Eliya reported threats from a businessman linked to a politician. A young man was arrested for filming an accident involving an SUV tied to a former minister. The Theatermates drama group reported harassment and intimidation but received no action from authorities.
Comments